January 6: events, people, claims and the record.

Greg Jacob testified that Eastman first asked Pence’s counsel to reject electors from disputed states during an approximately 11 a.m. meeting. On a later call around 5 p.m., after Pence’s team rejected that approach, Jacob said Eastman asked whether the joint session could instead be suspended so state legislatures could reexamine certifications. These are documented requests in sworn testimony; the committee’s conclusions about legality and intent are separately labeled as committee findings.

306 electoral votes for Biden and 232 for Trump. This is the result preserved by the National Archives and counted by Congress.

Yes. NARA publishes unofficial certificates received from Republican slates in seven states and explicitly says they were not accepted as evidence of official state action.

Pence concluded that he had no unilateral authority to decide which electoral votes counted. The Congressional Record shows the count proceeded through objections decided by the House and Senate, not by Pence alone.

No. Many people in Washington that day did not commit violence, but the Capitol was forcibly breached and DOJ documented hundreds of assault/impeding-officer cases. Both facts matter.

Yes. Federal juries convicted Oath Keepers and Proud Boys leaders or members of seditious conspiracy in separate cases.

Clemency changed punishment and legal consequences. The proclamation does not make the underlying trial records, guilty pleas, verdicts or historical events disappear; the hub preserves both the court record and the later clemency record.

No. Federal prosecutors charged Brian J. Cole Jr. in 2025–2026 and say evidence links him to the devices, but he pleaded not guilty and has not been convicted. His trial is scheduled for February 16, 2027. The hub therefore labels this a pending criminal case, not a solved fact in the sense of a final verdict.

Yes. GAO found all 10 agencies it reviewed identified potential threats of violence before January 6, with the FBI and Capitol Police identifying credible threats. GAO also found failures to fully process or share some critical threat information.

Yes. Both chambers voted on objections to Arizona and Pennsylvania. Arizona was rejected 121–303 in the House and 6–93 in the Senate; Pennsylvania was rejected 138–282 in the House and 7–92 in the Senate.

All four Iowa House members serving on January 6 — Cindy Axne, Randy Feenstra, Ashley Hinson, and Mariannette Miller-Meeks — voted against sustaining both the Arizona and Pennsylvania objections. The official House Clerk roll calls record each member’s vote.

The 2024 Arizona indictment against Mark Meadows, Rudy Giuliani and other defendants was dismissed on June 18, 2026 after appellate litigation over the grand-jury presentation and a deadline for beginning new grand-jury proceedings. Attorney General Kris Mayes said she intends to present the matter to a new grand jury. The dismissal ended that indictment; a stated intent to seek a new indictment is not itself a new charge, and the defendants remain entitled to the presumption of innocence.

The outcomes are not uniform. Arizona’s 2024 indictment was dismissed in June 2026 with the attorney general announcing an intent to seek a new indictment; Michigan elector charges were dismissed in September 2025; Nevada’s six-elector case was dismissed on August 13, 2026 with an appeal planned; Georgia’s broader election-interference prosecution was dismissed in November 2025; New Mexico’s attorney general concluded existing state law did not support prosecution of its five signers; Wisconsin still has a pending case against Troupis, Chesebro and Roman, not the 10 electors themselves. Pennsylvania’s contingent certificate remains separately documented. None of these later outcomes changes NARA’s classification of the seven submissions as unofficial certificates not accepted as evidence of official state action.

No. Judge Mehta’s August 2026 order explains that the January 2025 commutations reduced the named defendants’ sentences to time served but did not themselves vacate the convictions. The convictions were later vacated through appellate court action in May 2026, followed by district-court dismissal of the indictment on August 4, 2026.

Yes. The preserved record shows a 2:38 PM post telling people to “stay peaceful” and a 3:13 PM post saying “No violence!” and asking people at the Capitol to remain peaceful. The later 4:17 PM video went further by explicitly telling supporters to go home while also repeating false election-fraud claims. Recording all three messages avoids the misleading extremes of saying Trump made no peace-related statements that afternoon or implying the earlier posts were equivalent to an order to leave the Capitol.

The record supports a narrower statement: Trump discussed or mentioned a figure of 10,000 personnel before January 6, but Acting Defense Secretary Christopher Miller later testified that he did not receive or interpret it as an order or direction to deploy 10,000 National Guard troops. A later congressional hearing quoted Miller under oath saying the 10,000 figure was not an order. This is different from saying Trump never discussed a large security presence, and different again from the actual January 6 request, authorization and deployment timeline.

The May 2023 jury verdicts remain part of the historical court record. Trump fully pardoned Enrique Tarrio in January 2025 and commuted the sentences of Ethan Nordean, Joseph Biggs, Zachary Rehl and Dominic Pezzola. Those four commutations did not by themselves erase the convictions. In July 2026, Judge Timothy Kelly approved the Justice Department’s request to vacate/dismiss the remaining convictions. That later court action changes current legal status; it does not mean the jury never returned the original verdicts.

No, according to Greg Jacob’s sworn testimony preserved in the Select Committee hearing record. Jacob said Pence refused to leave the Capitol complex and later returned to the Senate floor to complete the electoral count. This answer is sourced to witness testimony and the congressional record rather than inferred from political accounts.

The June 23 Select Committee hearing record says Trump considered replacing Rosen with Clark after Rosen and Donoghue rejected a draft Georgia letter. Rosen and Donoghue testified about a January 3 Oval Office meeting focused on the proposed leadership change; Donoghue said no one in the room supported Clark. The committee also presented White House call-log evidence showing Clark being referred to as Acting Attorney General before the meeting. Those points are presented as witness testimony and committee-preserved records, not as a criminal conviction or an independent judicial finding.

The proclamation grants full federal pardons for covered conduct tied to alternate-elector slates and efforts to expose alleged 2020 voting fraud, naming Giuliani, Eastman, Meadows, Clark, Chesebro and many others. It does not apply to Trump himself. Presidential pardons operate on federal offenses; state prosecutions and professional-discipline proceedings therefore require their own separate status tracking. The hub preserves the underlying historical evidence and court or disciplinary outcomes rather than rewriting them as though they never occurred.

A DOJ Office of Information Policy production records a Dec. 21, 2020 phone call between Meadows and Rosen, a Dec. 29 West Wing meeting attended by Meadows, Rosen and Richard Donoghue, and Jan. 3, 2021 logistics messages arranging a 6:15 p.m. White House meeting. These records establish dates, participants and logistics. They do not, standing alone, prove the substance of each conversation or establish criminal liability; those questions require separate evidence and legal findings.

No. GAO found DHS received no request to designate the January 6 events as an NSSE or SEAR. GAO said the presidential rally and joint session could have been considered if requested, while officials described confusion about who could request a designation for federal property in Washington. GAO later reported its recommendations implemented: the January 6, 2025 electoral-count proceeding was designated an NSSE, and DHS clarified the D.C. mayor’s authority to request one. The later change documents a planning-process reform; it does not establish that a 2021 designation would necessarily have prevented the attack.

FBI video and Capitol Police testimony establish that two viable devices were placed on January 5, 2021 and found the next day near the RNC and DNC. Federal prosecutors now allege Brian J. Cole Jr. was the person who planted them and cite cell-site and other evidence. Cole has pleaded not guilty, and trial is scheduled for February 16, 2027. The historical existence, placement and discovery of the devices are established; Cole’s criminal responsibility remains for trial unless resolved earlier.

No. The House Republican conference was divided. Then-Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Republican Whip Steve Scalise voted to sustain both the Arizona and Pennsylvania objections, while Republican Conference Chair Liz Cheney voted against both. The official Clerk records also show that all Democratic yeas were zero on both objections, while substantial numbers of Republicans voted Nay. This is a voting-record description, not a statement that every member shared the same reasoning for the vote.

Yes. GAO found pre-January 6 gaps in how some agencies processed tips and shared fully developed threat information. Its follow-up records show later corrective action: the FBI recommendation was closed as implemented, and by July 2025 DHS Intelligence & Analysis had completed internal reviews, revised open-source intelligence procedures, added training/certification requirements and formalized processes for identifying and correcting internal-control deficiencies. Those later reforms document changes to process; they do not erase the pre-attack failures GAO identified.

Adjudicated DOJ records give several room-specific anchors rather than one single “Capitol breach” time. A conviction record places the House-side crowd shifting toward the Speaker’s Lobby at 2:41 PM; a guilty-plea record places Christian Secor in the Senate Chamber by about 2:42 PM; another adjudicated record places Bruno Cua in the Senate Gallery at about 2:45 PM; and the Moynihan record says officers cleared the Senate Chamber at about 3:08 PM. These timestamps describe what those court-tested records establish and do not imply that the named defendants were necessarily the first or only people in those locations.

The public record uses “breach” for different stages. A federal trial record places the first entry through the outer restricted-perimeter barricade at about 12:50 PM near Peace Circle; other adjudicated records place the crowd overwhelming a police barricade there around 12:53 PM and another West Plaza police line around 12:59 PM. The Capitol building itself was not breached until after 2 PM. This hub keeps those events separate so one timestamp is not used for several different physical boundaries.

Arizona’s nine-member House delegation split 3–6 on the Arizona objection: Republicans Andy Biggs, Paul Gosar and Debbie Lesko voted Yea; Republican David Schweikert and Democrats Ruben Gallego, Raúl Grijalva, Ann Kirkpatrick, Tom O’Halleran and Greg Stanton voted Nay. Pennsylvania’s delegation was much more supportive of the Pennsylvania objection among its Republicans: Scott Perry, John Joyce, Fred Keller, Mike Kelly, Dan Meuser, Guy Reschenthaler, Lloyd Smucker and Glenn Thompson voted Yea, while Republican Brian Fitzpatrick and the state’s Democratic members voted Nay. These are official roll-call facts and do not establish that every member shared the same rationale for the vote.

The committee-preserved National Archives material says Parliamentarian staff tracked the official state certificates separately from private-citizen submissions and identified deficiencies in the latter. The Select Committee report says Pence counsel Greg Jacob concluded none of those submissions had the requisite state authority to qualify as competing slates under the Electoral Count Act, and that the Parliamentarian agreed. This is a committee-described documentary and witness record; it is not presented as a criminal conviction or independent court ruling.

The Congressional Record places the shooting at 2:44 PM as Babbitt attempted to climb through a shattered window in a barricaded Speaker’s Lobby door. DOJ later declined federal criminal charges, saying it lacked evidence to prove the required willful civil-rights violation beyond a reasonable doubt. Capitol Police separately found the officer’s conduct lawful and within policy. In 2025, the Trump administration agreed to settle the family’s wrongful-death lawsuit for just under $5 million. Those are different legal and institutional events: the civil settlement did not itself reverse the earlier criminal declination or administrative finding.

Both times appear in official hearing records because they describe different steps. Acting Capitol Police Chief Yogananda Pittman testified that Sund’s phone records showed a 12:58 PM request to the House Sergeant at Arms for Guard support, followed by a 1:05 PM request to the Senate Sergeant at Arms and repeated follow-ups. Maj. Gen. William Walker separately testified that Sund called him directly at 1:49 PM and requested immediate assistance from available D.C. Guardsmen. Former officials disputed portions of the authorization chronology, so the hub keeps the internal Capitol Police Board request chain separate from the later direct request to the Guard commander.

DOJ’s adjudicated Mark Pruitt record says Schumer and his security detail were moving toward elevators in the northern Capitol Visitor’s Center when a security officer saw Pruitt approaching; the detail reversed course and ran back down the ramp. In a January 6, 2025 Senate statement, Schumer separately recalled coming within roughly 20 feet of rioters during the evacuation. The hub presents these as two attributable records and does not assume the later distance estimate can be mapped precisely onto every detail of the Pruitt encounter.

Former Capitol Police Chief Steven Sund told a 2023 House oversight hearing that the House Chamber did not begin evacuating until about 2:28 PM and that, in his view, the evacuation should have been called earlier. An adjudicated DOJ sentencing record independently places a growing crowd at the House Main Door at about 2:28 PM while members, staff and press remained inside. Other adjudicated records then place movement toward the Speaker’s Lobby by 2:41 PM, a rioter in the Speaker’s Lobby around 2:42 PM, the Babbitt shooting at 2:44 PM, and later House-side movement. These are different source types and are kept separately labeled.

Separate federal case records supply useful room-specific timestamps. Rafael Rondon’s guilty-plea record places him and Maryann Mooney-Rondon inside the Speaker’s office suite at approximately 2:32 PM after entering through the Senate Wing Door at about 2:23 PM. A different federal case record describes an interior push beginning around 2:38 PM that reopened the East Rotunda Doors while Capitol Police guarded them. These timestamps document movement through particular spaces; they do not imply that every person present engaged in the conduct charged or admitted in those cases.

Assistant Chief Sean Gallagher testified in 2024 that the RNC device was disrupted and cleared at approximately 3:00 PM on January 6, while the DNC scene was cleared at approximately 4:36 PM. Those timestamps describe the bomb-squad response. They do not identify who planted the devices, and they are separate from the pending federal prosecution concerning that identity.

John Sullivan’s sentencing record places a growing crowd at the House Main Door at approximately 2:28 PM while members, staff and press were still inside and says the crowd later moved toward the Speaker’s Lobby. The Alam conviction record places the House-side crowd moving toward the Speaker’s Lobby doors at 2:41 PM. Anthony Peterson’s sentencing record places him in the Speaker’s Lobby at approximately 2:42 PM as the doorway crowd shouted, struck the doors and broke glass. Those records narrow the room-by-room sequence without implying that every person present shared the same conduct or intent.